Auction Date:2009 Jun 24 @ 10:00 (UTC-04:00 : AST/EDT)
Location:6270 Este Ave., Cincinnati, Ohio, 45232, United States
Commander, Military District of the South, 1876-1877; ca 250 items.
Ruger's experiences in North Carolina and Georgia were prelude to what may have been his most challenging assignment in the south: overseeing the last months of Reconstruction in the notorious heart of Secessionism, South Carolina. This lot includes a dense series of correspondence relating to the stunning political turn of events in the Palmetto State during the six months beginning in September 1876. Although the Republican party held the governorship and controlled the legislature, the election in November promised to be hotly contested and very likely violent.
As early as Sept. 20, 1876, Ruger received a report from Columbia, S.C., that gave an indication of how things were going: A gentleman reported "yesterday the 19th inst. saw a member of the legislature named Coker and a recent delegate to the state convention (republican) to nominate candidates for office, deliberately shot down in cold blood, not 50 yards from the depot. He says Coker, who is a colored man, had just reached home from Columbia… when he was waited upon by white democrats, taken to Ellenton some distance from his home, and there, in presence of this witness, shot to death. What the charge against him was, no one knows. He also says he saw two other dead bodies by the side of the rail road, one with his head shot almost entirely off… He further says it is reported in Augusta that 100 'niggers' have been slain. Is there no way to stop this slaughter of innocent men?"
What follows is a stunning record of the fears of violence, and actual violence, that marred the election process, with both sides demanding federal protection as the parties attempted to convene county- and state-level political conventions. On Oct. 10, 1876, for example, the Governor complained: "We propose to do no more than is done every where -- hold a political meeting and control it ourselves and not let the Democrats control it by force or threats or demands...." Ruger's men in the field reported back that conditions were exactly as described, and perhaps worse. Whites throughout the state had formed gun clubs to intimidate -- or eliminate -- the political opposition. Jacob Kline, Capt., 18th Infantry, wrote on Oct. 11, 1876, about the gun clubs "At the last public meeting (Democratic) there was a body of 700 mounted men organized in Clubs, officered & moving by command & armed with revolvers. The very recent seizing of the state arms on the night of Oct. 9, 1876, I think justifies one in saying that if a conflict occurs between the U.S. Troops and the rifle clubs, the force under my command would be inadequate...."
Many of the letters in the lot were written by Gov. D. H. Chamberlain, including such gems as two county-by-county listings of the threat of violence, with indications of precisely where guards should be posted to preserve the integrity of the vote. A typical letter: "Abbeville County. This County lies on the Georgia border. It is republican by bout 1500 majority in all elections since 1868. The political feeling is very high and the efforts of the Democrats are great. My information is of 16 rifle clubs in this county. I have positive information of 11 with the names of their captains. I apprehend violence here if anywhere in the State, with incursions of voters and terrorists from Georgia."
Republican Member of Congress A.S. Wallace, himself running for reelection, wrote to request troops posted to a long list of sites in the 4th Congressional District, and the collection also includes a note to the Governor stating tersely "Our meeting broken up by an armed force at Rock Hill yesterday. Should have some troops at Fort Mill." Coincidentally or not, Wallace lost. The violence was real. C.C. Macoy wrote on Nov. 4 from Chester, S.C.: "Several democratic ruffians at midnight last night attacked my residence, and shattered to pieces one of my windows with rocks. Their yells and curses proved twas done solely on account of politics. I fired into them, but without effect." Macoy implored Ruger to post troops to other localities, so that the democrats
The lot includes reports flying from all over, with dozens from military officers in the political districts and some town officials leading up to and following the election. Some of the reports suggest that the Republicans were far from pacifists, though some reports strain credulity. From Darlington on Nov. 6, Ruger received word from the town intendant that "Several colored men have this night deposited in the County jail, within fifty or sixty feet of one of the voting precincts, about thirty muskets or rifles, intending evidently to use them on tomorrow...."
About a dozen letters come from white citizens requesting U.S. forces to protect them. Typical is a letter from a citizen in Columbia, Oct. 31, "Within the last few weeks a very marked change has been observable in the behavior of a portion of the colored people of that County, while culminated in the riotous conduct exhibited upon the occasion of the Democratic mass meeting held at Beaufort on the 26th instant. On the night before the meeting, the most insulting and threatening language towards Democrats was used in the streets, and one man was violently assaulted for no other reason than that he belonged to that party... On the following day Colored Democrats were repeatedly insulted and threatened on the streets, and several of them received anonymous threatening letters, and it is certain that, unless some greater protection than will given them by the local officers is afforded them on election day, that class of voters will not dare to vote...." A woman from Adams Run gave a similarly fevered report: "This county has been remarkably quiet, up to this time, but of late the Negroes hearing of the repeated Outrages & conflicts that have taken place in various parts of the state... have become very much excited. They glory over the Cainhoy Massacre, & express themselves ready to follow it up by a similar outbreak. The various colored militia companies are drilling their men, & have avowed their determination to come to the polls with their companies, fully armed & says that should so much as a finger be raised, on that day, they will burn out this entire section, & murder every white Person they can lay hands on. The Negroes here are as a general thing very quiet, but exceedingly ignorant & very easily led off, & under the guidance of such Leaders, could be wrought up to any pitch of violence...." On James Island, where the ratio of black to white was 20:1, all 27 eligible white voters (all Democrats, they note) petitioned for the protection of U.S. troops.
With this background, it is not surprising to find that the election did not go smoothly. From Abbeville, a Capt of the 18th Infantry reported on Nov. 9: "The voting proceeded quietly until about one o'clock p.m. when a party of Georgians made an assault on the Deputy U.S. Marshal, and I have no doubt but for my presence at the time the Marshal would have lost his life. A number of pistols were drawn, but at my command the firearms all disappeared, and the Georgians mounted their horses and departed in the direction of the Savannah River...."
With such a background, the narrow Democratic victory did not put an end to the crisis. After the Republican Board of Canvassers refused to authorize the evidently fraudulent results in Edgefield and Laurens County, effectively throwing them out, the situation looked bleak and violence threatened. On Dec. 3, Gov. Chamberlain wrote: "I apprehend that an effort will be made to fill the House tonight with the partisans of either political party in view of what is expected to take place tomorrow, and I request it as the dictate of prudence to exclude all persons from the building, except those who have official business... I have much information to the effect that this effort to remove the persons from Edgefield and Laurens Counties will be resisted with forces and arms, and I think there is great danger of collision and bloodshed." Excluded from the Assembly, the Democrats set up a shadow legislature claiming Wade Hampton had won the governorship, while the Republicans claimed the race for Chamberlain. On December 14, Chamberlain wrote about Hampton, stating he refused "to recognized those persons as having any official rights and to resist any efforts they may make to obtain forcible possession of the offices now held by me and Mr. Graves. I apprehend the presence again in this city of many persons who will come for the purpose of obeying the orders of Gen. Hampton. I have no force adequate to resist a large force of men who may seek to enforce the claims of Gen. Hampton as Governor...."
Both government s persisted until the great compromise of 1876 handed the presidential election to the Republican Party on the condition that Reconstruction end. With the withdrawal of federal troops in April 1877 (following the selling out of Reconstruction nationally), Chamberlain finally conceded.
The lot includes a smaller number of items (perhaps 20% total) relating to the 1876 election in Florida, where problems approached those of South Carolina, including reports from the field on where troops should be placed to preserve the integrity of the election. Though less famous than the debacle in South Carolina, Florida seems little better.
Finally, the lot includes ca.45 personal letters addressed to Ruger 1876-1877. Among these are two letters from G.W. Custis Lee (Confederate Major General and son of Robert E. Lee, and classmate at West Point), requesting intervention to help an old woman, Elizabeth Gist, driven from her farm by violence. Lee notes that she is the granddaughter of a Revolutionary War veteran and was burned out during the Civil War, and that his interest in her welfare is form pure sympathies, not personal connection.
Descended directly in the family of General Thomas H. Ruger
Condition: Some ossified rubber bands attached to the outside of a few documents, but generally in good condition.
Auction Location:
6270 Este Ave., Cincinnati, Ohio, 45232, United States
Previewing Details:
Tuesday, June 23, 12:00 PM - 5:00 PM
Wednesday, June 24 8:00 AM - 10:00 AM
Taxes:
| Tax | Rate | Desc. |
| Ohio |
5.5% |
Ohio State Tax |
Buyer's Premiums:
| From (Incl.) | To (Excl.) | Premium |
| 0.00 |
Infinite |
17.5% |
Additional Fees:
Shipping Details:
Cowan's is happy to provide a shipping estimate in advance of the auction. We have partnered with an outside shipper - Wrap-It Postal. Their services to our respected customers are based inside the Cowans facility.Please contact Wrap-It Postal by email at shipping@cowans.com, or call 513.871.1670 (ext.19). You can also submit a request for an online quote . All shipping and packing costs will be charged separately by Wrap-It Postal to your credit card on file.
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Payment Details:
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Cowan's is happy to provide a shipping estimate in advance of the auction. We have partnered with an outside shipper - Wrap-It Postal. Their services to our respected customers are based inside the Cowans facility.Please contact Wrap-It Postal by email at shipping@cowans.com, or call 513.871.1670 (ext.19). You can also submit a request for an online quote . All shipping and packing costs will be charged separately by Wrap-It Postal to your credit card on file.
Cowan's is in no way responsible for the acts or omissions of independent handlers, packers or shippers of purchased items or for any loss, damage or delay from the packing or shipping of any property.
ADVICE TO INTERNATIONAL BUYERS: Cowan's will not ship any package containing a firearm to any location other than within the United States. Buyers outside the United States must make their own shipping arrangements taking full risk for the transportation of any firearm.
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Buyers are required to pay for all packing, shipping and insurance charges. Overseas duty charges are the responsibility of the successful bidder. Be aware that for larger and/or valuable items, shipping charges can be substantial.
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