Auction Date:2010 Oct 13 @ 18:00 (UTC-05:00 : EST/CDT)
Location:5 Rt 101A Suite 5, Amherst, New Hampshire, 03031, United States
ALS - Autograph Letter Signed
ANS - Autograph Note Signed
AQS - Autograph Quotation Signed
AMQS - Autograph Musical Quotation Signed
DS - Document Signed
FDC - First Day Cover
Inscribed - “Personalized”
ISP - Inscribed Signed Photograph
LS - Letter Signed
SP - Signed Photograph
TLS - Typed Letter Signed
ALS signed “E. Gerry,” five pages on three sheets, 7.25 x 12, February 20, 1809. Retained copy of Gerry’s letter to Secretary of State and President-elect President James Madison. Docketed by Gerry on verso of fifth page “Copy of a letter to his Excelly James Madison President of the U States, 20th Feby 1809.” In part: “When you can find leisure, read this and the paper enclosed [photocopy present], and I will promise you not to request your attention again on political subjects. they relate to our concerns with France, and G. Britain. On the 27th of Jan'y last a town meeting was held here, on the subject of the last embargo act. as the federalists conducting it were leading characters, and extremely opposed to Government, and their party the most numerous, I had my doubts in regard to an attendance; but complied with the wishes of respectable republicans, and appeared at the meeting. Anticipating the severe federal measures, afterwards adopted, I made the enclosed motion. This was recorded and supported by the republicans, but by the federalists was overruled; and their motion prevailed. I was afterwards urged to permit a copy to be sent to the press, and complied; but accompanied with it an introduction, and with subsequent remarks, both of which were in the enclosed transcript [photocopy of the transcript, in the “The James Madison Papers” at the Library of Congress, is present]. To my great surprise however, the publication was suppressed, both at the Chronicle and democratic offices; by persons who, I am since informed, shackle those presses. They dared not to appear, and I was desired to publish the whole in a pamphlet but as I learnt one of their reasons, altho’ not intended to reach my ears, which was, that the federal administration would be displeased with the measure; and it was impossible, as I conceived, that the Government had such confidants as these, I at once determined to give you in manuscript this information, and to request your opinion, merely in regard to the good, or ill, that might result from the publication… I confess to you, my dear Sir, that I have been more alarmed of late, than at any preceding period for the public welfare. The objects of G. Britain and France, are first to dupe us into the promotion of their respective views; and then to reward us with the honor of being their vassals. our objects are to avoid their wiles, to pursue our own interests, and to be armed at every point, against both of them. Britain conducts her affairs here, by her agents, who put on the garb of federalists, but are as different from uncorrupted American federalists, as they are from true republicans. France has her agents garbed as republicans, but as different from them in principles, as the latter are from Napoleon: and God knows he has not a principle of republicanism in his pericranium. The ultimate object of the British, is concealed from the American federalists: the present object of both, is to unite the legislatures of the New England and other commercial States, against the federal Government, to represent it as despotic, to compel it to retrace its steps, and thus to disgrace, to destroy, the confidence of the people, and to overthrow it. This they will effect, if possible, by alarming the members of the next Congress, for they cannot wait for new elections, and by inducing them to alter they systems, and oppose the executive. If this should not answer, and the measures of Government should not materially be changed, and moreover, if they should succeed in their expectations, in regard to other states, they will declare a secession and independence, make it treason to remit their measure, marshal their citizens against the loyal stats, and call in immediately the aid of G. Britain. Altho’ the British federalists have ostensibly clamored against a war with G. Britain, I have not the least doubt, they have ardently wished for and recently promoted it: hoping, that by uniting the unsuspecting hardy federalists of the north, with her myrmidons, to overthrow the southern States, and on the ruins of the Union, to establish a monarchy. there are many measures of the British administration, who appear to be guided by the counsels of the British federalists, in regard to the United States, which your discerning eye must have easily discovered; and which I think cannot be accounted for, on any other principle…G. B. would not hesitate for a moment, that she is ever pledged, to aid the mal-contents, first secretly and then by an open declaration of War. So much for G.B., and now for a view of the French part of the drama. In addition to the statement in my motion, I think it manifest, that some of our news papers are as much devoted to France, as others are to G. Britain. This I think will not be denied, after the specimen we have lately had in the monitor. There is an explicit proposition that our government should be ‘aided,’ influenced by French counsels, and our army led by French officers. This is coming to the point, it is preparing the way to have a French commander in chief, and by our own army to supersede the Supreme executive, by one of Napoleon’s kindred nominations. But what is very extraordinary, is that some republicans, who pretend to great political knowledge, are so inexperienced, as to suppose, that should we aid in the overthrow of G.B. Napoleon will take us by the hand, as his friends. How has he conducted toward nations, and individuals, who have been devoted to his service? Look at Spain, and Portugal, and every public man who has prostituted himself to his views. He has indeed spared the life of the Prince of Peace [Pope Pius VII who, in order to retain Napoleon’s friendship, agreed to crown him as Emperor in 1804] as one who spares the life of a decoy duck, to allure others into his toils. And of a similar complexion has been his conduct towards Skimmelpennick, the Dutch minister. That man I knew in France, and he was a perfect prostitute to her views. Afterwards by the influence of Napoleon, he was Grand Pensioner of Holland, and so remained, until Napoleon erected it into a Kingdom, and then was he dismissed forever, as a traitor to his Country, and not to be trusted by an Emperor. A man I think must be weak indeed, to suppose he will be our friend, for a moment, after we are in his power. If then by means of a civil war, or an immediate declaration against G.B. we should be involved in a war with her, and should meet with success, which is at least problematical, the result to us must be the loss of a great many valuable lives, both republican and federal, an impoverished country, and the union of our exertions, with those of France to overthrow her antagonist. Inf this should be the fate of the latter, we should follow it without delay: if not, France who will find means to aid us with her military officers, would multiply among us her political agents, and our own citizens impress’d with national gratitude, which is national folly, and with antianglican prejudices, would lose their american feelings, and become devotees of the Emperor, whose intrigues would soon convert them into his subjects. The points contended for, on our part against G.B. ought in my opinion never to be relinquished: but to aim at attaining them by a war at this time would I conceive be a dangerous experiment…” Tape toning to edges of last two pages, small tear to top edge, and some scattered edge wear and tear, otherwise fine condition. Written to President Thomas Jefferson’s secretary of state, James Madison, just 12 days before the latter became chief executive, the Massachusetts statesman informs the president-elect of the situation of Great Britain and France in relation to the welfare and the future of the United States—with over 200 words about Napoleon alone! After taking office shortly after receipt of this letter, Madison was instantaneously faced with the climactic years of the Napoleonic Wars and a battle between Britain and France that made neutrality difficult. With ships from both navies plundering American vessels on the high seas—damaging American commerce and angering the young nation—Madison and Gerry needed to act. “The objects of G. Britain and France, are first to dupe us into the promotion of their respective views; and then to reward us with the honor of being their vassals. Our objects are to avoid their wiles, to pursue our own interests, and to be armed at every point, against both of them,” Gerry writes here. For his part, Madison saw Britain as the principal threat to America and came increasingly concerned that standing up to England might require a ‘second War of Independence.’ Although some historians have argued that Madison underestimated Napoleon's global ambitions, the president had no illusions about the French tyrant. Britain's greater capacity to injure the United States, however, became the base of Madison's policy. On June 12, 1812, the United States declared war on Great Britain. Five months later, Madison was reelected with Gerry was elected vice president.
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5 Rt 101A Suite 5, Amherst, New Hampshire, 03031, United States
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